The Republic of the Marshall Islands (pop 68,000) has
decided to sue the nine nuclear weapons states in the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Why?
Because Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) states that:
“Each of the Parties to the Treaty
undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating
to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear
disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict
and effective international control.”
The Marshall Islands’
claim is that the five nuclear states who have signed the NPT: USA, Russia,
China, Britain and France have violated Article VI by “not
pursuing nuclear disarmament negotiations in good faith” and “instead, taking
actions to improve their nuclear weapons systems and to maintain them for the
indefinite future”.
Despite not actually being signatories to the NPT, India, Pakistan,
North Korea and Israel are also
included in the suit.
The claim is that signing the NPT makes these states legally
liable to attempt to enact all of its articles. They must therefore be bound by
the ICJ to do so.
Hmm … could there possibly be a flaw in this line of
reasoning?
Oh yes, that’s right … international law and the ICJ are
largely a fantasy of international socialists and pompous, hubristic lawyers
like Geoffrey Robertson.
Read about the structure and function of the ICJ, in particular, its jurisdictions and it is immediately obvious that any authority the ICJ has
is derived from either:
1.
The
UN Security Council being able and
willing to enforce its judgements.
2.
The
mutual consent of both parties in a dispute to be bound by the Court’s
decision.
The Court has in the past been used to provide a layer of
legal legitimacy to diplomatic actions, such as its first ever case, in which Britain sued Albania over two of its ships hitting mines in the Corfu Channel. The ICJ found in
favour of Britain
and awarded damages of £843,947. Of course, the Albanians refused to pay, which
the British always knew they would. However, Britain was also holding 1,574 kg
of Albanian gold, which they kept.
The Court can be useful if both parties intend to employ it
in good faith, such as in the Gulf of Maine maritime border dispute between the USA and Canada.
However, one party may simply withdraw its consent after a
verdict it doesn’t like. This would then require the UN Security Council to
implement some enforcement action, such as diplomatic and economic sanctions,
or even military action.
Of course, if the party which withdraws its consent, or
otherwise chooses to ignore the ICJ’s decision is one of the five permanent
members of the Security Council with veto powers (the five nuclear weapons
states listed above), or one of their allies, or even one of the other four
nuclear armed states, a contrary ICJ decision is effectively unenforceable.
A case in point is Nicaragua’s complaint against the USA resulting from the United States’ continuing support
of the Contras. The Court
found in favour of Nicaragua
and awarded reparations against the USA, which predictably ignored the
judgement.
An easier route is for states to withdraw or modify their
declaration of consent to submit to ICJ arbitration. An example is Australia, who modified their declaration in 2002 to exclude disputes on maritime boundaries. Clearly, this was to prevent an impending challenge from East Timor,
who gained their independence two months later.
Even in the case of the many international treaties which contain
a compromissory clause providing for dispute resolution by the ICJ, if one
party simply decides to ignore the Court and that party has sufficient military
or economic strength, there is little in practice which can be done.
What do the Marshall
Islands and their lawyers believe will be
the outcome of their suit?
Have a look at the list of the 15 current ICJ judges. Although it’s not compulsory within the
ICJ articles, there has always been one judge from each of the five permanent
members of the UN Security Council (there cannot be more). So, I suppose it’s
diplomatically compulsory. India
also has a judge on the current panel. I think we can guess which way these 6
judges will vote. The concept of judicial independence from their respective
governments is laughably naïve, especially in the cases of Russia, China
and India.
The British, French and American judges may possibly vote against the policy of
their current governments if they were appointed by the previous ones, but in
this matter, I doubt it.
Even if all 9 of the remaining judges find in favour of the Marshall Islands’
claim, does anyone believe this action will achieve anything meaningful?
In reality, the USA,
Russia, China, Britain
and France
have violated Article VI from the moment they signed it. This facile statement
was never anything other than “do as I say, not as I do”; arch diplomatic
hypocrisy. But did anyone bar the most naïve internationalist expect otherwise?
India, Pakistan, North
Korea and Israel
aren’t even signatories to the NPT, so what the Marshall Islands and their lawyers
believe the ICJ will say in relation to them is beyond me.
Is their goal to use the Court as a vehicle for exhibiting
the nuclear powers’ hypocrisy? This hardly requires the ICJ.
In reality, this whole charade is an exercise in legal
and academic onanism. A bunch of international socialist lawyers, self
importantly strutting about, debating or rather, preaching on the wrongs of
nuclear weapons, all at taxpayers’ expense.
Because who is footing the bill for this pseudo-intellectual
wank?
The taxpayers of the countries who fund the ICJ. Even if the
Marshall Islands
pays a significant amount of the cost of its suit, look at its economy. The
majority of its GDP is US
foreign aid, although much of that could be viewed as compensation for the nuclear
tests. Any ICJ legal bill will be paid by the American taxpayers.
I’m not entirely convinced the Marshall Islands should even be an
independent nation. Material steps toward independence began under that great and decisive American leader, Jimmy
Carter. Why the Reagan administration allowed them to follow through to actual
sovereignty, I’m not sure. Perhaps there was a more cynical reason. If the Marshall Islands were formally annexed by the United States, it may have opened the way for
more law suits and even larger compensation over the environmental damage from the atomic tests on Bikini Atoll.
Of course, whatever the ICJ says, it will be ignored by any
state with nuclear weapons. In the event the ICJ decides to hear the suit AND
finds in favour of the Marshall Islands, some sanctimonious, delusional wanker will
probably write an article for the Guardian, in which they will claim that
Britain is now not only morally, but legally
obliged to take meaningful steps to eliminate its nuclear arsenal. Some middle
class twat might start a petition on change.org.
But nothing meaningful will happen as a result. Nor should
it.
What would you think if your government abrogated its right
to maintain a nuclear arsenal to a court which “as a whole must represent the
main forms of civilization and the principal legal systems of the world”?
Thankfully, the majority of Western citizens still expect
our governments to defend our own civilization against the vastly more corrupt and oppressive civilizations of
Asia, Africa and the Middle East and their so
called “legal systems”.