Liberalism
necessarily implies secularism. In a secular polity, the state, consisting of parliament, the
judiciary and the executive, does not concern itself with questions of purely social
philosophy1. These are for citizens to decide,
through reasoned, public debate and if necessary, the ballot box.
One such issue is the nature and meaning of marriage. There
have been calls for MPs to be “allowed” a conscience vote on whether the right to legally
marry should be extended to same sex couples, effectively allowing a set of
politicians to impose their personal views on the community. The logic of this
is wrong.
In an open, liberal society, it is not the role of MPs to
decide issues such as same sex marriage on behalf of the populace. Their role is
to gauge the opinion of their constituency and to vote accordingly.
The role of a liberal state in social matters is threefold:
1.
To
formalise, if necessary, the wishes of its citizens.
2.
To
help decide on issues of logic, in cases where the wishes of its citizens are
contradictory.
3.
To
interpret and enforce contracts.
Which citizens are able to enter into which contracts is
derivable from a society’s core principles, which are established by a process
of debate and agreement between its citizens.
Firstly, citizens agree on who can decide on their society’s
core principles and how that is to be done. For example, children may not be
deemed capable of understanding the issues. Mentally incompetent adults may
also be excluded. Next, the core principles are decided. These, together with
the decision making process itself, will form one of the society’s fundamental
documents: its constitution.
It is possible that an important question such as the nature
and meaning of marriage would be seen as sufficiently fundamental to be
included in a society’s constitution. If this were so, the role of the state
would depend on the nature and drafting of the relevant section of the
constitution.
If the constitution formally laid out the meaning of
marriage, who could and couldn’t marry and in what circumstances, the judiciary
would decide that a referendum is required to change the marriage law and
parliament would facilitate this referendum if evidence of sufficient support
for a change to the law was apparent.
However, if the constitution simply allowed parliament the
right to make laws in respect of marriage, the role of the state is only to
draft and enact the laws agreed upon by its citizens.
"marriage" means the union of a man and a woman to the
exclusion of all others, voluntarily entered into for life.
However, the situation is a little more complicated than it
looks, because the states can also make marriage laws. So the states could just
pass their own same sex marriage laws, right?
No. Not so simple. Section 109 of the Australian Constitution says that where federal and state laws
are inconsistent, the federal law overrides the state law. BUT, as UNSW
constitutional law professor, George Williams points out, the Howard government’s 2004 amendment possibly has an unintended
consequence: the federal law limits the definition of marriage to a union of a
man and a woman.
Perhaps then this federal law can only override state laws
in respect of formal marriages between a man and a woman. The states could be
free to make and recognise same sex unions by calling them something slightly
different, but giving same sex couples equal rights and obligations as opposite
sex couples.
Is this the path we really want to go down? An important
social issue descending into a lawyers’ picnic, with “rights” obtained by
casuistry and legal legerdemain, with the possibility they may be
overturned by future parliaments?
What is needed is a clear, public debate as to whether same sex
or even plural marriage follows as a corollary of two of a liberal society’s most
fundamental principles: liberty and freedom of association. Or do a significant majority of
us believe that allowing homosexuals (or transsexuals) to marry is so
detrimental to other aspects of society that banning it must override liberty?
Some people do believe this.
The reason why it couldn’t is
obvious: animals cannot give informed consent and therefore cannot enter into
contracts. It is disappointing that no-one in government or the media picked
this point straight away. Cory Bernardi is a moron. How hard could it possibly
be to shoot down a moron’s argument? Apparently not that easy for our genius
MPs.
Any RTBB readers will know that it is not homosexuality
which leads to marrying animals, but the regrowing of teeth.
A common, though false counter argument is that allowing
same sex marriage would give gay couples equal rights to adopt children or obtain custody in divorces, presumably endangering them in some way. But gay couples already have
children. This has more or less openly been the case in Western society for at
least two generations. Thus, there has been sufficient time for longitudinal
studies. I am aware of no evidence suggesting children raised by gay parents
have statistically worse outcomes on any measure of achievement or social
function. Children of gay parents do not appear to have lower outcomes in
educational attainment, earnings as adults, criminal behaviour, drug addiction,
depression or suicide. Wikipedia has a good summary of meta-analyses of research in this area, with numerous
citations.
Additionally, suppose that same sex marriage continued to be
banned. This would not prevent homosexuals from having children: it would only
ensure a bias against them in custody battles and adoption applications. What
of the children of gay men born to surrogates? Or the children of lesbians
conceived via sperm donors?
Should a state which bans gay marriage force abortions?
Removal of these children from their parents? Prosecution of the parents for
surrogacy? Not a liberal one.
If not, then has the state abrogated its duty to a cohort of
“at risk” children?
Apparently, the citizens of liberal democracies do not
believe so, since no such laws exist. What then, is the problem with legally
recognising two people’s assertion that their relationship has progressed
beyond simple cohabitation, regardless of their gender?
Some opponents of same sex marriage proffer that gays
marrying will devalue the institution of marriage. The opposite is true.
Marriage is a great deal more than simply living together
and seeing how things go, or even living together for a long period of time
(without producing children). It is a ceremony which represents more than an
extra commitment: it is a public statement of a transition within one’s own
life and within society.
What many
homosexuals want is what marriage represents for heterosexual couples in a
modern, liberal society: the power to say for yourselves when your relationship
has progressed to a level of mutual commitment beyond that of sharing a
dwelling and a bed. They don’t want that distinction made by a politician,
judge or public servant.
Disallowing gay marriage will cause more young people to
treat the institution as anachronistic and irrelevant. I suggest this will lead
to lower rates of marriage in general, as younger generations view it as an
artefact of their parents’ reactionary generation.
In the
break-up of a relationship (hetero or homosexual), conflict often ensues as to
the entitlements and duties of each partner. How then, will the seriousness of the
relationship be determined if there are no children involved? By a judge? A
committee of progressives? Who will set the criteria?
Better, I
suggest, to allow those involved a say in the matter, through a formal
statement as to the nature of their commitment.
There have been suggestions that by not recognising same sex
marriage, Australia
may run into some problems when gay couples married in foreign jurisdictions
emigrate. New Zealand
ratifying same sex marriage was posited as an example.
That’s not the case. Part of the Marriage Amendment Act 2004 is the addition of S88EA
to the federal Marriage Act, explicitly stating that foreign same sex unions
are not recognised in Australia.
It would require a highly activist High Court ruling to overturn Australia’s
sovereignty (which doesn’t mean this could not occur).
I’ve provided a lot of argument here in favour of allowing
same sex marriage. In fact, I believe plural marriage should also be legal.
It is fundamentally a question of liberty and the role of
the state in an open, liberal society. Behaviour should be proscribed, not
prescribed. If there is no conclusive evidence that certain actions are harmful
to other members of society and that the harm could not be avoided by prudent
action, those actions should not be proscribed. Any actions not proscribed are
legal.
If the majority, or even a significant minority of citizens believe that same sex marriage
is not harmful and there is no scientific evidence contradicting this belief,
then it is the duty of elected politicians to formalise the views of their
constituency through legislation in its favour.
I said even a significant minority because if there is no evidence of harm, the principles of liberty and equality should take precedence. The role of the state should then be simply to act as an interpreter and enforcer of contracts between those deemed capable of informed consent. In the case of marriage, that is adults who are not mentally impaired. It is not the role of a liberal state to make judgements on the morality or appropriateness of competent adults entering into a contract, regardless of their gender.
If certain, elected political groups represent a
constituency which opposes same sex marriage, then their parliamentary
representatives should vote against it. One can criticise the political
position, but not the vote.
If a majority of citizens support the political principles underlying same sex marriage, the
minority political groups can have their vote and lose.
What is important is that politicians ensure that the wishes
of their constituencies are enacted. Their personal conscience is not relevant;
they were not elected to serve it.
1 By purely social philosophy, I mean principally
non-economic matters, such as freedom of speech, enfranchisement, homosexuality,
drug use, euthanasia and the nature of marriage. All of these issues can have
economic effects, however their principal nature is clearly social.
A liberal state should concern itself with philosophical
questions of a socioeconomic nature, such as the distribution of wealth,
because the scientific method can produce evidence to guide policy. For
example, it may be the case that some wealth distributions or taxation systems
are demonstrably likely to decrease overall wealth. In this event, they should
be rejected as policy and the public educated as to why.